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Black Wednesday, White Lies?Submitted by Janice Winter on October 21, 2009 - 1:22 PM
The relationship between media and democracy in South Africa is not as black and white as it initially appears. Monday saw the celebration of national Media Freedom Day in South Africa in commemoration of 19 October 1977, when the apartheid government banned two newspapers, a Christian publication and 19 black organisations, and detained scores of critics in what became known as Black Wednesday. Monday’s celebration of post-apartheid media freedom, enshrined in the country’s Constitution, coincided with this week’s release of Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index 2009, in which South Africa has risen in rank to 33 position (from 36 last year in 2008 and 43 in 2007), now outranking countries such as France, Spain and Greece. The Media Freedom Day proceedings, however, revealed a paradox in South Africa’s political landscape with regards to the relationship between media and democracy, raising questions about whether the practice is as free as the principles suggest. The official Press Club event in Cape Town ironically resulted in former minister Kader Asmal having to invoke his constitutional right to freedom of expression in the face of strong criticism from the ruling ANC. In his speech, Asmal urged journalists to insist on their right to freedom of information in response to what he saw as their increasing exclusion by government. "Committees seem to be retreating behind closed doors at the drop of a hat,” Asmal asserted. “You are allowing yourselves to be walked over." He urged the media to interrogate the government on key concerning issues, including the dropping of charges against Zuma, the purchase of arms by the government, and the increasing militarising of the police. Asmal’s comments received strong criticism from ANC spokesperson Jackson Mthembu, who pronounced them “shocking and undesirable”, arguing that “it is not within the traditions and protocols of the ANC for comrades to talk about their views and opinion about the ANC and its leaders in public platforms and through the media” but instead to raise issues internally. Deputy Police Minister Fikile Mbalula argued: “It has never been part of our struggle or culture to seek liberation by the media… Our people have always understood their power to hold to account their political leadership and the power of the vote in keeping in check those that do not represent their aspirations. Asmal and his ilk, having realised this, choose to conveniently ignore the masses of our people and sound the clarion call to their darlings, the media establishment.” Concerning? I think so. This encounter illustrates in brief a broader issue in South Africa that will be addressed in the Axess Programme: that of a democratic post-independence country in which the liberation party with liberal principles becomes the dominant ruling party, but expects continued ideological support and blames criticism on “old apartheid” legacies in the media. Indeed, the ANC has passed a resolution to consider establishing a Media Tribunal to ensure that the media “contribute towards the building of a new society and be accountable for its actions.” Future blog posts will look in more detail at this debate and both encouraging and concerning events currently occurring in relation to the media and democracy in South Africa. Should the media in post-independence Africa maintain its traditional “Western” role as watchdog of democracy holding democratic power to account? Or should it aid an emerging democratic dispensation by downplaying criticism and engaging in “development journalism” in support of a broader project of social transformation? We invite our readers to submit blogs similar to those posted on the website by our researchers. If you have strong views about journalism and politics that you'd like to share, submit your writing to us by emailing janice.winter@axessjournalism.com Comments (2)
Interestingly, Mandela himself castigated black journalists for being critical of his government, arguing in 1996 that "black journalists wrote to please their 'old order' white editors and tended to highlight the shortcomings of the ANC and the government and said very little about their successes." This could well be a valid criticism considering that the media was an institution in need of immense transformation at the end of apartheid, and there are views that it still is. Indeed, the 1999 inquiry by the South African Human Rights Commission in racism in the media found that there was a persistent pattern of racism across media institutions. But one wonders to what extent accusations of racism against the media that invoke "transformation" rhetoric are motivated from legitimate concern, and to what extent they are used to curb media criticism against the ruling party. Ironically, Mandela's criticism came directly after a three-day state visit to Zimbabwe, where he blamed the "embittered" South African media ownership for the bad publicity Zimbabwe received in South Africa. Clearly the issue is a complex one on both sides.
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Freedom of expression is guaranteed by the Constitution, but there are limitations on expressions that infringe the democratic rights of others. The Leader of the Opposition has been labelled a "whore" who selected males to her cabinet to "satisfy her libido"; Asmal has been labelled "crazy"; Tutu has been vilified - all because they have spoken out against ANC corruption, maladministration and the betrayal of the founding principles of the party.
Former President Nelson Mandela must be an extremely worried and disillusioned man!
Posted by Simon Winter on October 22, 2009 - 8:41 AM